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In Johnson Victory, Democrats and Republicans See Lessons for 2020


For Democrats, there are tactical lessons in Labour’s defeat. Mr. Johnson ran a highly disciplined campaign, pounding home his message that he would “Get Brexit Done” and avoiding debates over kitchen-table issues, like health care, which could have played to the advantage of Labour.

“It shows the importance of discipline,” Mr. Menon said. “There was a simplicity of message.”

Mr. Johnson also successfully framed his campaign as a revolt against Britain’s political establishment. Parliament, he said, had thwarted the democratic will of the people in not delivering Brexit. The prime minister bludgeoned Mr. Corbyn for his muddled position on Brexit.

Mr. Trump is likely to use a variation on the people vs. the establishment narrative, attacking Democrats in Congress, who are on track to impeach him, for trying to thwart the will of the voters who elected him in 2016.

As in the United States, Britain’s election was characterized by extraordinary rancor and a blizzard of dubious claims from the candidates. And, as in the United States, the peculiarities of the British political system guaranteed that the winner was not the party that got the most votes.

While Mr. Johnson’s Conservatives won a 79-seat majority in Parliament, they and the other pro-Brexit parties drew only 46 percent of the vote. The Labour Party, and other parties that either oppose Brexit or want to rethink Britain’s departure, won 52 percent. Britain’s first-past-the-post system — meaning that in each constituency, the candidate who gets the most votes wins, regardless whether that’s a majority — allowed the Conservatives to win a disproportionate share of seats.

This has prompted debates about overhauling the electoral system that echoed the calls for reform after Mr. Trump defeated Mrs. Clinton in the Electoral College, despite losing to her by 2.8 million votes. And like in the United States, there seems little prospect of changing the system any time soon.

Alexander Burns contributed reporting from New York, and Jonathan Martin from Washington.

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On Your Tables: Ginger Beef, Caesars and Butter Tarts


Readers of The Canada Letter were keen to highlight the contributions by their communities and provinces to Canadian cuisine after I presented my inadequate and incomplete list a couple of weeks ago.

Among your many emails, one came from Jacqueline Fobes, a reader from Pebble Beach, Calf., alerting me to a terrific book about this very topic: “Speaking in Cod Tongues.” After giving it a read, I called Lenore Newman, its author and the Canada research chairwoman in food security and environment at the University of the Fraser Valley in British Columbia.

Professor Newman told me she was inspired to cross the country looking for sources of local food pride by a student “who became obsessed” with Nanaimo bars. She found some research money that, among other things, allowed the student to research whether the bars were actually from Nanaimo (they are).

“That got me into the bigger story and of the role of women in the 1950s, their lives in mill towns and the cuisine they created,” Professor Newman told me.

She defines Canadian cuisine in part by what it isn’t.

“We don’t have a lot of recipes, and that’s a function of the nature of our cuisine,” she said. “It doesn’t mean it’s less developed. There’s lots of cuisines around the world that aren’t recipes.

Instead, in Professor Newman’s view, Canadian cooking is “all about properties of seasonality, of incorporating wild foods, of multicultural incorporation and ingredients.”

Several of you, too many to name, noted the absence of butter tarts from my list. That was a result of doubt and cowardice on my part. I planned to include butter tarts as one of Ontario’s contributions until I came across other provinces making claims on them. Professor Newman, however, assured me that they are indeed from Ontario.

[Read: The Passions of the Butter Tart]

Marc LaPlante from Kingston, Ontario, and six other readers pointed out another missing item from Ontario. “Great Canucks, how can you not list the delight of the fried sweet BeaverTail from the Ottawa Valley?” Mr. LaPlante wrote.

Most commonly associated with skating on the Rideau Canal in Ottawa, the BeaverTail is essentially flattened out doughnut pastry made with whole wheat flour and deep fried. The company that owns the name claims they were first sold by its founder, Grant Hooker, in Killaloe, Ontario, in 1978. Speaking for many parents, I’m sure, I have less than fond memories of trying to convince young children that not every skating excursion on the canal involved buying them.

Ten readers brought up Calgary’s very important contribution: ginger beef. In her book, Professor Newman describes it as “deep fried strips of beef in a sweet sauce with fresh ginger, garlic, and hot pepper, usually with a few carrots and onions.”

While it’s now a staple of most Chinese restaurants in Canada, Bill Corbett attributes its origins to the Silver Inn Restaurant.

He was also among several readers who raised Calgary’s creation of the Caesar. While that’s veering into beverage territory, it is an opportunity to bring up Robert Simonson’s article about how Canadians define the cocktail.

[Read: It Came, It Quenched, It Conquered Canada: The Caesar]

My mention of Vancouver and its Indian pizza prompted emails about two other variations on pizza. Cara Stewart reported that pirogi pizza can be found in Saskatchewan. I won’t render judgment until I’ve tried it next time I’m there.

Bill Weaver pointed out that Hawaiian pizza — topped with ham and tinned pineapple — came out of Chatham, Ontario. “Although the topping creates some polarized views, I believe the addition of pineapple has advanced the taste of pizzas,” he wrote.

Finally, several readers, including some of my friends, suggested that the peameal bacon sandwiches found at two stands in the St. Lawrence Market are the defining food of Toronto. But it seems a stretch to claim that they are to Toronto what bagels and smoked meat are to Montreal.

Professor Newman suggested it might be impossible to find a defining food for Toronto, a city of many foods.

“I don’t think there’s ever going be a quintessential Toronto dish,” she told me, adding that the city is “just too global and multicultural.”

Boris Johnson won a resounding victory in Britain this week in an election that, like Canada’s, left the country divided politically along regional lines. The photographer Andrew Testa made a photographic portrait of the nation as it now faces Brexit.

Like their Canadian counterparts, natural gas producers in the United States are hoping that exports of liquefied natural gas might reverse falling prices caused by a global glut of gas. Clifford Krauss’s reporting suggests that they both may be disappointed.

Terry de Havilland, the British maker of psychedelic shoes for stars, has died at the age of 81. “I designed most of my shoes on acid, and the opening party for my shop in the King’s Road was famous for the three Cs — champagne, cocaine and caviar,” Mr. de Havilland once wrote. “God knows who was there — everybody.”

Paintings on an Indonesian island that are at least 43,900 years old may be the oldest known art depicting scenes from the imagination.

A native of Windsor, Ontario, Ian Austen was educated in Toronto, lives in Ottawa and has reported about Canada for The New York Times for the past 16 years. Follow him on Twitter at @ianrausten.

We’re eager to have your thoughts about this newsletter and events in Canada in general. Please send them to nytcanada@nytimes.com.

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How Labour’s Working-Class Vote Crumbled and Its Nemesis Won the North



The Labour Party’s devastating defeat in an ex-stronghold has grave consequences for a party: Its two wings — older and working class and urban and educated — appear to have irreconcilable differences.

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Military’s Preferred Candidate Named Winner in Algeria Election


Mr. Tebboune had faithfully served Mr. Bouteflika for years: as a local official, as a powerful minister, and then briefly in 2017 as prime minister, before being thrown out of office by Mr. Bouteflika’s brother Saïd, who by then had become the country’s real ruler because of his older sibling’s illness.

But analysts said that one reason Mr. Tebboune was the preferred candidate of the military establishment, and of General Gaïd Salah, was because he appeared to have split with the Bouteflika clan, with which the general was in bitter conflict by the end of his tenure.

The protesters had long since rejected Mr. Tebboune, as well as the other four candidates in the race, as part of the “system,” their epithet for the ruling elite that has governed the country since independence from France in 1962. The generals who historians and analysts say are the real power-brokers in the country had insisted on holding Thursday’s vote in an effort to move the country past the protest movement.

“These were elections ordered by the military command,” Mr. Hammoudi said. “They needed to have these elections, to give themselves a civilian facade. But what Gaïd Salah thought would be a solution, actually only deepens the problem for them.”

Mr. Khelil, the rights activist, said that the election “contradicts the will of the people” and was intended to give the existing system a “civil facade.”

“It brings nothing concrete to what the people’s movement wants,” he said, speaking from the middle of the big demonstration in Algiers on Friday. “Maybe it resolves an internal problem in ‘the system,’ but it doesn’t resolve the demands of the Algerian people.”

On social media, protesters said the protest movement would continue, as it did Friday. Mr. Khelil said either the new president would work to meet the demands of the protesters, beginning with the release of dozens who have been imprisoned in recent months — he thought this unlikely — or the government would double down on repressing the movement, “which would be a fundamental error.”

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Nature’s Best Poetry of 2019: Clouds


Surfacing

Every day, members of the Cloud Appreciation Society post photos of the sky from around the world. This is why they stop to look up.

“It’s always a good year for clouds,” said Melyssa Wright, a meteorologist living in York, England, and member 23,652 of the Cloud Appreciation Society.

The group’s mission is to “fight ‘blue-sky thinking’ wherever we find it.”

Clouds, their manifesto says, are not signs of negativity and gloom, but rather “nature’s poetry” and “the most egalitarian of her displays.”

The Cloud Appreciation Society was founded by Gavin Pretor-Pinney in 2005. Its tens of thousands of members around the world communicate online via a “Cloud Forum,” and they regularly convene at “Sky Gatherings,” which feature group expeditions, lectures on cloud-related art and science and even performances of cloud-themed music. They also submit photographs to the Cloudspotter app to earn stars and badges for properly identifying the clouds they spot.

This year, the society collected nearly 50,000 submissions. All the photographs included here were taken this year and submitted to either the app or the online gallery.

Mamma clouds over Mount Rushmore in South Dakota.Credit…Matt GoodieA hairy lenticular formation over Andalusia, Spain.Credit…Rod JonesImageA fallstreak hole at sunset over Niederlenz, Switzerland.Credit…Indra Joshi Lenticularis, a cloud type that takes its name from the legume, over New South Wales, Australia.Credit…Ian RobertsonAn airplane’s contrail over Point Reyes, Calif.Credit…Michael Warren

Melyssa Wright is a meteorologist for Britain’s national weather service: “I actually get paid to go out and look at the sky.” Wright recalled some formations that struck her recently. “I saw a good halo this year” — a bright, rainbow-colored circle that appears around the sun under certain conditions. “If you aren’t a cloud-spotter, you probably don’t think they exist,” she said.

Kym Druitt, a public-relations consultant in Australia, particularly loves the view from an airplane. “You really sense — well my sense is — you’re really part of something,” she said. “You’re in the sky! How extraordinary we’re in this time.”

“What a lucky time we’re in to be able to be in the atmosphere in that way,

to be up there in the sky, flying around,

seeing extraordinary things.”

Hans Stocker, a retired I.T. project manager, lives in the Netherlands where “sometimes it can be gray and a bit dull,” he said. “You don’t have those spectacular skies that you can sometimes observe in America: thunderstorms with storm-chasers and really spectacular cumulonimbi,” dense clouds that can sometimes be tens of thousands of feet tall and are capable of generating lightning.

But when you learn to look up, he said, “you see more than you ever saw before.”

“It’s clear in front of you,

but when you don’t know it might be there,

you don’t see it.”

Elise Bloustein, a divorce lawyer in New York, tries to post a cloud every day. She has submitted over 8,000 photos to the app since she signed up in June 2016. “There are boring days like today,” she said, “and then there are ecstatic days where I post a lot, and I must just drive them crazy, I assume, because I’m just falling in love with so many clouds.”

A sky full of wispy cirrus over Lompoc, Calif.Credit…Jeanette BrownUndulations framed by fluffy cumulus clouds over Saxilby, England.Credit…Reg HewittA patch of altocumulus clouds over Azerbaijan.Credit…Ismatbey KerimovMares’ tail cirrus over Santa Fe.Credit…Elizabeth Buchen

Shooting in Midtown Manhattan, crowded with skyscrapers, can be especially eye-opening, Bloustein said. “It makes you realize that there’s something bigger than the buildings. It makes you aware that we are inside of a much bigger context.”

“You start to look around

and notice that a lot of people

never look up.”

“Of course everybody aspires for a cloudless day,

but not us cloud watchers.”

Cloud-spotting, she said, imparts an important lesson: “Clouds really teach you about transience: They come, they go. Like thoughts, like feelings, like so many things.”

Altocumulus clouds reflected in Midtown Manhattan.Credit…Elise BlousteinCumulus perched over Tikal, Mayan ruins in Guatemala.Credit…Tom BeanThe sky over LondonCredit…Peter Emrys-Roberts— and Evansville, Wyo.Credit…Elizabeth Allred

For Bloustein, learning the categories of clouds helped her to spot them. “You see them more accurately,” she said, “you see more.”

For other spotters, technical identification is less important. One of the most memorable clouds of the year for Geoff Thornton, a retired systems analyst, was one that resembled a baby deer. And on a trip to Las Vegas, Thornton was able to capture a cloud that looked like a cocktail glass, complete with stirrer.

“It’s amazing

what you can spot in the clouds,

when you’re looking for shapes.”

“Mostly it’s the cumulus clouds that make shapes and things you can identify, that look like animals or something else,” he said. The more variation in the landscape, the more variety in the cloudscape. Being in Britain, with its relatively even terrain, means Thornton has to travel for better odds of glimpsing them. “If you live in a country where you’ve got a lot of mountains,” he said wistfully, “you’ve got more chance at getting one than in the middle of flatland.”

Bambi in Florida.Credit…Richard PooleAn angelic sunset over Cannes, France.Credit…Patrick LecoqA fancy cocktail in Las Vegas.Credit…Geoff ThorntonA well-behaved poodle heels above Torrance County, N.M.Credit…Richard Spellenberg

Suzanne Winckler, a retired journalist who splits her time between Minnesota and Mexico, described the thrill of finding a shelf cloud ahead of a thunderstorm in southern Minnesota. “That’s like a big bumper on a car, and it comes out in front of the cumulonimbus,” she said. “We were standing right by it as it passed over us.”

“We thought the Sheriff was following us because my husband had not put on his blinker to turn left off the highway,” she continued, “but turned out he was as jazzed as we were about the shelf cloud.”

Winckler tries to submit a cloud a day to the Cloudspotter app, where she is also one of roughly 100 moderators. She likes the sense of a shared world the posts create. “There are people from Spain and Saudi Arabia, the Emirates,” she said. “There is a guy who’s just started posting from Namibia.”

“It makes me feel good

that there’s so many people

out looking at clouds

and sharing them with one another.”

“We’ll never meet each other,

but we’re just going about our day

in a way

that encompasses

what’s happening

in the sky.”

Photo Credits: Gallery 1: Suzanne Winckler, Suzanne Winckler, Suzanne Winckler, Suzanne Winckler. Gallery 2: Dave Burnett, Kym Druitt, Kym Druitt, Cecelia Cooke. Gallery 3: Francoise Chicot, Hans Stocker, Melyssa Wright, Daviz Morales. Gallery 4: Melanie Brat, Phil Dawson, Michele Sabatier, Scott Thybony, Jack Maziarz, Hans Stocker. Gallery 5: John Marsham, Geoff Thornton, Carole Miles, Rebecca Hill. Gallery 6: Jan Hertoghs, Hans Stocker, Shannon Schultz, Ashok Kolluru, Rob Hawkes, Justin Needham, George Preoteasa, Paolo Bardelli, Laura Simms, Stephen Castell, Ian Robertson.

Surfacing is a weekly column that explores the intersection of art and life, produced by Alicia DeSantis, Jolie Ruben and Josephine Sedgwick.

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For Scotland and Northern Ireland, a Weakening of Ties


LONDON — While voters across England embraced Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party, it was a different story in Scotland and Northern Ireland, where Thursday’s electoral earthquake has strained the ties that bind the United Kingdom and increased the risk of its eventual breakup.

In Scotland a constitutional crisis looms after the dominant Scottish National Party made significant gains, winning 48 of 59 seats, and said it would press its demands for a second independence referendum — something that Mr. Johnson has already rejected.

The background in Northern Ireland is more complicated. But for the first time in its history, the territory elected more nationalist members of Parliament, who support reunification with the Republican of Ireland, than unionists, who wish to remain a part of the United Kingdom.

Though the situations are quite different in Scotland and Northern Ireland, the common thread is Brexit, a project supported by English and Welsh voters but opposed by majorities in Scotland and Northern Ireland in the 2016 Brexit referendum.

“Brexit has completely transformed the debate in Northern Ireland,” said Daniel Keohane, an Irish political analyst. “Before Brexit, no one seriously thought a united Ireland would happen anytime soon. Now it’s a very real prospect based on these results.”

In Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon, the first minister, who leads the anti-Brexit Scottish National Party, said that it was “now clear beyond any doubt that an overwhelming majority of people in Scotland do want to remain in the European Union.” Then she demanded a repeat of the 2014 referendum in which Scots voted to remain part of the United Kingdom.

This was, she added, an “assertion of the democratic right of the people of Scotland to determine our own future.”

Such claims are unlikely to move Mr. Johnson, putting him and Ms. Sturgeon on a collision course. On Friday after a phone call between the two leaders, Mr. Johnson issued a statement saying that he had made clear to Ms. Sturgeon how he “remained opposed to a second independence referendum,” adding that the result of the 2014 vote “was decisive and should be respected.”

But the reality is that the politics of England and Scotland seem to be diverging. So while Mr. Johnson’s Conservatives won a landslide overall, they lost seven of their 13 Scottish seats despite their hopes that campaigning against Scottish independence might save them.

The main British opposition party, Labour, which once dominated Scottish politics, now holds just one seat there.

Removal from the European Union against its will is likely to feed a sense of resentment in Scotland, especially if Mr. Johnson’s Brexit plan proves as economically harmful as many expect.

In Northern Ireland it was a sobering night for the party that had championed Brexit there, the hard line Democratic Unionist Party. Its leader, Nigel Dodds, lost his parliament seat in Belfast North.

The Democratic Unionist Party had propped up the minority Conservative government since 2017, and ultimately felt betrayed when Mr. Johnson struck a new Brexit deal that leaves Northern Ireland linked closely to the European Union’s customs market, effectively severing it economically from the rest of the United Kingdom and putting a new border in the Irish Sea.

But an even more striking shift in Northern Ireland’s political trajectory, analysts say, is the startling support won by the centralist Alliance Party, which gained 8.8 percentage points in Thursday’s general election, more than any other party.

Unlike the territory’s main unionist and nationalist political parties, whose policies are mainly defined by sectarianism, the Alliance Party is neutral and has come to represent progressive and moderate politics across all communities.

“The real story of the night is the Alliance Party in the middle, which is now our third-largest party,” said Newton Emerson, a political commentator in Northern Ireland, who describes himself as a “liberal unionist.” “The big change we have seen in Northern Ireland is that we now have a three-community system.”

He said the troubled governance system created by the Good Friday agreement, the 1998 pact that halted decades of sectarian strife in Northern Ireland, “now has a third leg on the stool.”

Frustrated by the political deadlock between unionists and nationalists that led to the collapse of the region’s governing assembly more than three years ago, many voters supported the Alliance Party, hoping that an electoral sting for the main parties would force them to revive the local power-sharing government.

“The political paralysis has had great consequences,” said Marie Kelly, a trainee nurse, who voted for the Alliance Party in Belfast. “Our health system is collapsing, we just don’t have the resources and deprived areas are suffering so so badly.”

Ms. Kelly, who previously voted for the Democratic Unionist Party, said she had wanted to punish it for focusing on Brexit alone and ignoring other important problems. “We need a more neutral political representation that prioritizes issues over ideologies.”

Stephen Farry, the deputy leader of the Alliance Party, who won in the Belfast constituency of North Down that the Democratic Unionists had been favored to win, said his victory was tied to the values of “moderation, rationalism and inclusion.”

The biggest disappointment in the election was felt by unionists and loyalists who vehemently oppose Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s new Brexit deal.

The unionists view the deal as a betrayal because it would require checks on goods flowing across the Irish Sea, effectively cleaving Northern Ireland economically from the rest of the United Kingdom.

“The poll clearly creates the expectation that Boris Johnson will try to force the Betrayal Act through Parliament,” said Jamie Bryson, a prominent unionist activist who is challenging the Brexit agreement in court. “The unionist-loyalist community have been clear. An economic United Ireland will never be tolerated.”

Senior members of the community insist that the deal breaches the consent mechanism of the Good Friday Agreement, which eased the legacy of bitterness between Protestant unionists and the Catholic republicans, who want Northern Ireland to become part of the Republic of Ireland. The new Brexit arrangement, they say, threatens to inflame sectarian tensions.

“If the political process has been exhausted then potentially, we could face some very dark days ahead,” Mr. Bryson said. “And that’s obviously something everyone wants to avoid.”

Mr. Keohane says it is understandable that unionists are upset about the customs arrangement because it will be more intrusive than most people wanted, but at the same time he said it is hard to imagine them attacking their own state.

“Of course, there will be some loyalists who will make a lot of noise about it. I don’t blame unionists for being upset,” Mr. Keohane said. “they have been betrayed by Boris Johnson, it’s as simple as that.”

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Mounting Evidence of Abuse by Chile’s Police Leads to Calls for Reform


SANTIAGO, Chile — The brutality of the Chilean police’s response to the country’s unrest is leading to sweeping calls for the force’s reform.

The protests, which started two months ago over an increase in subway fares and quickly morphed into a broader reckoning over inequality, included peaceful gatherings and violent confrontations with the police that resulted in thousands of instances of abuse, according to the National Institute for Human Rights, an autonomous state agency.

Almost 400 of the incidents documented by the National Institute for Human Rights are of torture and cruel treatment. Another 194 involve sexual violence, including four rapes. More than 800 involve excessive use of force by the police. The Institute has labeled at least six killings by security forces as homicides.

These documented instances of human rights violations have brought new scrutiny to the Carabineros, Chile’s national police force, which was never purged or significantly reformed after the dictatorship headed by Gen. Augusto Pinochet ended in 1990. The Carabineros were deeply involved in human rights violations that left over 3,000 dead and disappeared and 38,000 tortured during Pinochet’s rule.

“We never thought we would have to come back to Chile under these circumstances to record massive human rights violations,” said José Miguel Vivanco, the Americas’ director of Human Rights Watch, when the organization presented its report on Chile last month. “We thought this was history.”

The Carabineros declined a request for an interview, but this week its director, Gen. Mario Rozas, said there were 856 internal investigations related to the reports underway. He also announced structural and policy changes to the institution.

President Sebastián Piñera said accusations will be investigated, and welcomed into the country four human rights organizations, including the Organization of American States and the United Nations, which found “a high number of serious human rights violations.”

The government has also created a task force, led by Gonzalo Blumel, the interior minister, to propose reforms for the police force, and the police suspended the use of pellets.

But human rights groups say that the Carabineros are still firing tear gas cartridges at demonstrators’ bodies and heads, in breach of their own protocol. On December 10, International Human Rights Day, 8 people were injured this way — two of them, including a 15-year-old girl, are in critical condition.

Human rights groups and analysts say they want the government to increase its oversight of the Carabineros’s budget, operations and training and of their appointment and removal of officers, effectively bringing the police under civilian control.

Opposition legislators say the president bears responsibility for the actions of forces under his watch, and launched a process similar to impeachment proceedings against him and his former interior minister, Andrés Chadwick, who stepped down weeks after the protests began.

The case against President Piñera was dismissed on Thursday. But on Wednesday, the Senate approved the accusations against Mr. Chadwick, holding him responsible for failing to take steps to avoid human rights violations and “not maintaining public order in a rational manner.” He was barred from holding any public office for five years.

Since the protests began, hundreds of demonstrators have suffered eye injuries at the hands of the police, caused by the indiscriminate use of riot guns, often aimed directly at demonstrators’ heads. Two victims were blinded. More than 12,700 people have been wounded across the country, according to hospital records.

The Public Prosecutor’s Office opened more than 2,670 criminal investigations based on reports of torture, sexual violence and injuries from firearms. The vast majority involve Carabineros personnel.

When Chileans took to the streets in mid-October, the Carabineros were already facing a profound crisis, and were ill-prepared to be on the front lines of a sustained period of unrest.

Over the past two years, more than 35 generals who were part of the Carabineros forces have been ousted in the wake of a series of scandals. Among those dismissed was the former police chief, who stepped down in 2018 after an anti-terrorist squad killed an indigenous man, Camilo Catrillanca, and then covered up the crime.

Most of the senior officers removed were implicated in one of the biggest embezzlement scandals in Chilean history, a case that dragged on for more than a decade and involves at least $35 million.

Nearly 100 police officers and civilians have been convicted to date in connection to the case, and the trial of 31 alleged ringleaders — a group that includes senior officers and former finance directors of the force — is scheduled to begin in a few months.

The Carabineros’s intelligence division has also been in disarray after its agents came under investigation in connection with a scheme to fabricate evidence to falsely implicate members of the Mapuche indigenous community in terrorist activities in 2017.

“All of this has generated significant internal conflict and discontent within their ranks, causing a legitimacy crisis that is both social and internal,” said political analyst Claudio Fuentes, a professor at Diego Portales University.

Chile has seldom seen a period of unrest as prolonged and violent as the one that kicked off in mid-October. But signs of discontent had been brewing over the past decade: Large protests had taken place demanding education and pension reform, an end to corruption and respect for the land rights of indigenous people.

And in every wave of protest, the police were accused of using disproportionate force — and of failing to credibly investigate and punish instances of abuses.

Reforming the Carabineros was already on the legislative agenda when the protests broke out, but the proposed changes aim at improving transparency and fall short of the structural reforms needed to turn the police into a civilian force with robust accountability, which is what is being demanded now.

Critics say the Carabineros have a hierarchical military structure and a system for disciplining officers that effectively discourage personnel from reporting misconduct or carrying out independent investigations. And the police often ignore the new use of force protocols they enacted in March, rights groups say.

Bound by laws left behind by the Pinochet regime, Chile’s governments through the 1990s never had enough votes in Congress or the political sway to overhaul the Carabineros.

Chilean authorities were unable to remove its high command, purge it of corrupt or abusive officers, or adapt its curriculum to a democratic scenario.

“Carabineros is a militarized police force, with a military structure and logic, not a civil police force,” said Mr. Fuentes. “All attempts to reform it after dictatorship have been very slow, with very little capacity for civilian control.”

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U.S. Places Sanctions on Art Collector Said to Finance Hezbollah


The Treasury Department announced sanctions Friday against a diamond dealer who the government said has used an art gallery in Beirut, Lebanon, and an extensive personal collection, sprinkled with names like Pablo Picasso and Andy Warhol, to shelter and launder money.

American officials described the diamond dealer, Nazem Said Ahmad, who lives in Beirut, as one of the “top donors” to Hezbollah, a political movement based in Lebanon that is considered a terrorist group by the United States. The Trump Administration said that Mr. Ahmad, born into a wealthy family with a diamond business, was involved in “blood diamond” smuggling.

Mr. Ahmad, one of three people on whom Treasury officials imposed sanctions, is perhaps better known for what he collects than what he sells.

A spread in Architectural Digest Middle East last year showed the walls of his Beirut penthouse lined with vivid paintings and bright sculptures. The article said his collection included works by Jean-Michel Basquiat, Ai Weiwei, Thomas Heatherwick and Marc Quinn. Mr. Ahmad’s Instagram account, on which he posts pictures of galleries, artwork and artists, has 163,000 followers. He is known in Beirut for collecting international art, primarily American.

The Treasury Department, in a statement, said Mr. Ahmad used his art as a place to shelter money “in a pre-emptive attempt to mitigate the effects of U.S. sanctions.” It said he also set up a gallery in Beirut, the Artual Gallery, as a front to launder money. The department declined to provide details on how that process worked. The gallery, which is run by his daughter, also focuses on American art.

There has long been a debate in the art world about how susceptible the trade is to money laundering. It has obvious vulnerabilities: Transactions are largely unregulated, and the identities of buyers and sellers are typically not publicly disclosed. The value of art is also subjective, and easy to inflate or deflate, which can create a path to move large amounts of money. Buy a painting for $100,000 today and sell it for $1 million tomorrow, and you’ve just moved $900,000.

But many in the art world have strongly denied that illicit deals take place, insisting that a dearth of examples show that the perception of the art market as a place infested by a shadowy underworld is just a myth.

The Treasury Department disagrees. Marshall Billingslea, assistant secretary for terrorist financing, called the buying and selling of art a “well understood method of illicit financial transactions.”

In this situation, Mr. Billingslea said, “we have a Hezbollah financier who is converting a significant amount of his ill-gotten gains through the blood diamond trade into high-value art, that in turn creates a lack of transparency in the transactional process,” he said. “It’s a way of getting around the formal financial system.”

The Artual Gallery did not respond to a request for comment, and attempts to contact Mr. Ahmad were unsuccessful. He has previously denied reports that he was linked to financing Hezbollah. In 2001, in response to articles that said he was part of a property transaction in Lebanon connected to the group, he described the deal as an ordinary business transaction that had nothing to do with the organization.

The two other men who were placed on sanction because of what the government described as their support for Hezbollah were a businessman based in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and a Lebanon-based accountant who works for one of the businessman’s companies. Those men and Mr. Ahmad are now essentially blacklisted from the U.S. financial system, and those who do business with them could find themselves facing sanctions as well.

The United States said that Mr. Ahmad had provided funds “personally” to the secretary-general of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah. Mr. Nasrallah has said that the United States is exploiting or even instigating anti-government protests in Lebanon, which have drawn hundreds of thousands of people into the streets in recent weeks. The American sanctions aimed at Hezbollah in recent months have helped fuel the perception among some in Lebanon that the United States is meddling there to undermine Hezbollah and Iran.

Peter Libbey contributed reporting from New York and Vivian Yee from Beirut.

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He Wanted to Be Pope. He Settled for Conducting the Metropolitan Opera.


Jean Paquin, a French horn player at the Orchestre Métropolitain who has known Mr. Nézet-Séguin for two decades, said that when the conductor arrived at age 25, some players had been skeptical. But Mr. Nézet-Séguin quickly convinced the doubters with his humility, his passion for the music and his “expressive, supernatural left hand,” Mr. Paquin said.

Mr. Nézet-Séguin said he had always admired Leonard Bernstein, “primarily because there was never a note that was not filled with intention or emotion.”

Then there was his “maestro,” the Italian conductor Carlo Maria Giulini, whose music Mr. Nézet-Séguin discovered as a boy before studying with him in the late 1990s. “He was very calm and never used harsh words,” Mr. Nézet-Séguin said.

He added that he was determined to bring such equanimity to the Metropolitan Opera after “troubled times.” In 2018, Mr. Nézet-Séguin became the Met’s music director after the previous holder of the role, James Levine, was fired over allegations of sexual abuse that he denied.

Mr. Nézet-Séguin’s aim for the Met, he said, was a new era of optimism through a “quiet revolution,” an allusion to a 1960s social movement in Quebec against the strictures of the Catholic Church. “I don’t believe in arriving at an institution and being a disrupter,” he said. “There is some resistance — I am not saying it’s always easy — but smiles and optimism are what is needed.”

Born in Montreal into a churchgoing family, Mr. Nézet-Séguin gave credit to his parents, both professors of education, for accepting their gay son and for giving him the confidence to be himself, on and off the podium.

His parents, in an interview in New York, said he was a born performer, putting on musical shows for his two elder sisters, dancing to Michael Jackson hits and constantly drawing.

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Brexit Is Going to Get Done. But on Whose Terms?


Irish nationalists will now outnumber pro-Britain unionists among Northern Ireland’s lawmakers in London. A vocal proponent of Brexit, Nigel Dodds of the Democratic Unionist Party, lost his seat. In Scotland, the Scottish National Party won 48 of 59 seats, leading the party’s leader, Nicola Sturgeon, to demand powers to call another referendum on Scottish independence.

The prime minister could be swayed as well by the fact that, however resounding his parliamentary victory, Britain remains deeply divided about Brexit. Indeed, parties that either oppose Brexit or want to rethink Britain’s departure won 52 percent of the total votes cast, while the Conservatives and other pro-Brexit parties won only 46 percent.

For the hundreds of thousands who thronged the streets of London to demand a second referendum, this election will be a bitter pill to swallow. Although the groups that campaigned for a do-over never found a narrative to counter Mr. Johnson’s call to “Get Brexit Done,” they are likely to mutate into some kind of “rejoin movement” that will continue to agitate.

Some analysts, however, are skeptical that Mr. Johnson will reverse course on Brexit. For one, agreeing to a closer alignment with the European Union would impose economic costs on Britain that would make it politically unpalatable for the Conservative Party. Moreover, Mr. Johnson is unlikely to pick a fight with his party’s establishment.

“Boris is part of the establishment,” Mr. Wright of Brookings said, “and Brexit is largely a Conservative establishment project.”

In his victory speech, Mr. Johnson voiced little sympathy for those who pined for a second referendum.

“This election means that getting Brexit done is now the irrefutable, irresistible, unarguable decision of the British people,” he declared. “I think we’ve put an end to all those miserable threats of a second referendum.”